Negotiating retraction, 602–717
Events (p. 69) The standard work for the period remains John F. Haldon’s Byzantium in the seventh century: the transformation of a culture (Cambridge: CUP, 2nd ed., 1997). ¶ On Herakleios see The reign of Heraclius (610-641): crisis and confrontation, edited by G. J. Reinink and B. H. Stolte (Leuven : Peeters, 2002) and Walter E. Kaegi, Heraclius, Emperor of Byzantium (Cambridge: CUP, 2003); on the Persian wars see The Roman eastern frontier and the Persian Wars part II (as in chapter 2).
(p. 70) ¶ On Muhammad and early Muslim communities see The Qur’an in its Historical Context, edited by G. Reynolds (Oxford: OUP, 2007); The Cambridge Companion to Muhammad, edited by J. E. Brockopp (Cambridge: CUP, 2010).
On the siege of 626 see James Howard-Johnston, ‘The siege of Constantinople in 626,’ in Constantinople and its Hinterland, edited by C. Mango and G. Dagron (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1995) 131-42; the poem traditionally connected with the siege is the second Proimion to the Akathistos Hymn (which was composed earlier), although it is possible that it was also composed earlier or performed at a later unsuccessful siege of Constantinople, see Leslie Brubaker and John F. Haldon, Byzantium in the Iconoclast era c. 680–850: a History (Cambridge: CUP, 2011) 93. The poem praises Mary as defender of her city: To you, our leader in battle and defender, O Theotokos, I, your city, delivered from sufferings, ascribe hymns of victory and thanksgiving. Since you are invincible in power, free me from all kinds of dangers, that I may cry to you: “Hail, bride unwedded”. The translation is taken from Leena Mari Peltomaa, The Image of the Virgin Mary in the Akathistos Hymn (Leiden, Boston and Cologne: Brill, 2001) 3.
(p. 71) On the rise of Islam the authoritative studies are by Fred M. Donner, The Early Islamic Conquests (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981) and Hugh Kennedy, The Great Arab Conquests. How the Spread of Islam Changed the World We Live In (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2007); these should be consulted together with Walter E. Kaegi, Byzantium and the early Islamic Conquests (Cambridge: CUP, 1992), and more recently James Howard Johnston, Witnesses to a World Crisis: Historians and Histories of the Middle East in the Seventh Century (Oxford: OUP, 2010) as well as The Encounter of Eastern Christianity with Early Islam, edited by E. Grypeou, M. Swanson and D. Thomas, (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2006). ¶ See also G.W. Bowersock, Empires in Collision in Late Antiquity (Waltham, MA: Brandeis University Press, 2012) for an ingenious reading that links the Persian Wars and the early Islamic conquests.
(p. 72) On Monothelitism see Judith Herrin, The Formation of Christendom (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1997), which is a key work on the period from the sixth to the ninth century; Marek Jankowiak, La controverse monothélite. Une histoire politique (Paris, forthcoming) and Phil Booth, Crisis of Empire: Doctrine and Dissent at the End of Late Antiquity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2013); on naval warfare in the period see E.M. Jeffreys and J.H. Pryor, The Age of the Dromon, The Byzantine Navy ca 500-1204 (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2006)
(p. 73) ¶ On the Umayyads see G.R. Hawting, The first dynasty of Islam: The Umayyad caliphate, AD 661-750 (London and New York: Routledge, 2nd ed. 2000). On their capital, Damascus, see Nancy Khalek, Damascus after the Muslim Conquest. Text and Image in Early Islam (Oxford: OUP, 2011); On Maximos and pope Martin I see Maximus the Confessor and his Companions: Documents from Exile, edited and translated by P. Allen and B. Neil (Oxford: OUP, 2002).
(pp. 73-74) ¶ On Constans II in Italy see Constantin Zuckerman, ‘Learning from the Enemy and More: Studies in “Dark Centuries” Byzantium,’ Millenium 2 (2005), 79–135 and Vivien Prigent, ‘La Sicile de Constant II: l’apport des sources sigillographiques,’ in La Sicile byzantine de Byzance à L’Islam, edited by A. Nef and V. Prigent (Paris: De Boccard, 2010) 157-87.
(p. 74) ¶ For a recent overview on Greek Fire see John Haldon, Haldon, ‘”Greek fire” revisited: recent and current research,’ in Byzantine Style, Religion and Civilization: In Honour of Sir Steven Runciman, edited by Elizabeth Jeffreys (Cambridge: CUP, 2006) 290–325.
(p. 75) On the Bulgars see Florin Curta, ‘Qagan, khan, or king? Power in early medieval Bulgaria (seventh to ninth century),’ Viator 37 (2006) 1-31 as well as East Central and Eastern Europe in the early Middle Ages, edited by F. Curta (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 2005); on the Slavs see Florin Curta, The Making of the Slavs: History and Archaeology of the Lower Danube Region, c.500–700, (Cambridge: CUP, 2001).
(pp. 75-76) The battle of propaganda over coins is discussed most recently in Byzantium and Islam: Age of Transition, edited by Helen C. Evans (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2012).
(p. 77) The councils of the seventh century are analyzed by Judith Herrin, ‘The Quinisext Council (692) as a Continuation of Chalcedon,’ in Chalcedon in Context (as in Chapter 1), 148-68. ¶ Christel Kessler, ‘Abd Al-Malik’s Inscription in the Dome of the Rock: A Reconsideration,’ Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland 1 (1970) 2-14 discusses the anti-Christian message of the inscriptions in this key Muslim monument.
Infrastructures (p. 78) ¶ On the frequent transfers of population in the period see Hans Ditten, Ethnische Verschiebungen zwischen der Balkanhalbinsel und Kleinasien vom Ende des 6. bis zur zweiten Hälfte des 9. Jh. (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1993).
(p. 79) ¶ On the measures of Constans II see Vivien Prigent, ‘Le rôle des provinces d’Occident dans l’approvisionnement de Constantinople (618-717). Témoignages numismatiques et sigillographiques,’ Mélanges de l’École française de Rome. Moyen Âge 118 (2006) 269-99 and his ‘Notes sur l’évolution de l’administration byzantine en Adriatique (VIIIe-IXe siècle),’ Mélanges de l’École française de Rome. Moyen Âge 120 (2008) 393-417. On the economy in the period see Angeliki E. Laiou and Cecille Morrisson, The Byzantine Economy (Cambridge: CUP, 2007) and the chapters by Jaques Lefort and Gilbert Dagron in the Economic History of Byzantium (as in the Introduction).
(pp. 79-80) There is a lively debate on the question of administrative changes in the Byzantine Empire after the Arab conquests. The definitive interpretation is found in Zuckerman, ‘Learning from the enemy,’ (as above) and (in much more detail) in Brubaker and Haldon, Byzantium in the Iconoclast era c. 680–850: a History (as above). Both these works should be consulted for the following chapter as well.
(p. 80) The key question of the social developments in the period has been explored by Telemachos Lounghis, ‘Some Gaps in a Social Evolution Theory as Research Directions,’ in The Dark Centuries of Byzantium (7th–9th c.), edited by E. Kountoura-Galake (Athens: National Hellenic Research Foundation, 2001) 411–20 ¶ and in much more detail in his ‘Δοκίμιο για την κοινωνική εξέλιξη στη διάρκεια των λεγόμενων «σκοτεινών αιώνων»,’ Symmeikta 6 (1985) 139-222, which goes up to the ninth century and should be consulted for the following chapter as well. See also Mark Whittow, ‘Early Medieval Byzantium and the End of the Ancient World,’ Journal of Agrarian Change 9 (2009) 134-53. John Haldon, ‘Introduction: Greater Syria in the seventh century: context and background,’ in Money, Power and Politics in Early Islamic Syria, edited by J. Haldon (Farnham: Ashgate, 2010) 1-20, Petra M. Sijpesteijn, ‘Landholding Patterns in Early Egypt,’ Journal of Agrarian Change 9 (2009) 120–133, Chase F. Robinson, Empire and Elites after the Muslim Conquest. The transformation of Northern Mesopotamia (Cambridge: CUP, 2000) and M.I. Kister, ‘Land Property and Jihād: A Discussion of Some Early Traditions,’ Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 34 (1991) 270-311 discuss the key topic of what happened in the areas conquered by the Muslims.
(p. 81) On the transformation of cities see Marlia Mundell Mango, ‘Monumentality versus economic vitality: was a balance struck in the late antique city?’ in Proceedings of the 22nd International Congress of Byzantine Studies, vol I (Sofia: Bulgarian Historical Heritage Foundation, 2011) 240-62; Clive Foss, ‘Syria in transition, AD 550–750: An archaeological approach’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 51 (1997), 189–269 and Archibald Dunn, ‘The transition from polis to kastron in the Balkans (III-VII cc.): general and regional perspectives,’ Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 18 (1994), 60–81.
(p. 82) On migrations from the East see Marie France Auzépy, ‘Le rôle des émigrés orientaux à Constantinople et dans l’Empire (634-843): acquis et perspectives,’ Al-Qantara 33 (2012) 475-503; on the Greek popes in the period see Andrew J. Ekonomou, Byzantine Rome and the Greek Popes: Eastern influences on Rome and the Papacy from Gregory the Great to Zacharias, A.D. 590-752 (Plymouth, Lexington Books, 2009); on Constantinople see Paul Magdalino, Studies on the History and Topography of Byzantine Constantinople (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007).
(p. 83) On the Farmer’s Law see Wickham, Framing the Early Middle Ages (as in chapter 1).
Environment (p. 83) On the wars of Herakleios often erroneously labeled as ‘holy wars’ see Ioannis Stouraitis, ‘‘Just War’ and ‘Holy War’ in the Middle Ages. Rethinking Theory through the Byzantine Case-Study,’ Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik 62 (2012) 227-64
(p. 84) On the David Plates see Byzantium and Islam: Age of Transition (as above)
(p. 85) On the eschatological reading of disasters see Gerrit J. Reinink, ‘Pseudo-Methodius: A Concept of History in Response to the Rise of Islam’, in The Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East, edited by A. Cameron and L. Conrad (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), 149–87 and his ‘Alexander the Great in Seventh-Century Syriac “Apocalyptic” Texts,’ Byzantinorossica 2 (2003), 150–78. ¶ On Muhammad’s alleged letter of protection for Sinai, see Byzantium and Islam: Age of Transition (as above) On interaction with Islam see Khalek, Damascus after the Muslim Conquest (as above) and the somewhat outdated article by John Meyendorff, ‘Byzantine Views of Islam’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 18 (1964), 113–32.
(p. 86) On Anastasios of Sinai see: Joseph A. Munitiz (trans.), Anastasios of Sinai: Questions and Answers (Turnhout: Brepols, 2011) and Yannis Papadogiannakis, ‘Christian Identity in the Seventh-Century Byzantium: The Case of Anastasius of Sinai,’ in Religion, Politics, and Society from Constantine to Charlemagne: Collected Essays in Ηonor of Peter Brown, edited by Jamie Kreiner and Helmut Reimitz, (Turnhout: Brepols, 2014).