Chapter 9.

Aftermath and Afterlife

The early Ottoman Empire and Byzantine émigrés

(p. 191-192) For a general history of the early Ottoman Empire see Elizabeth Zachariadou, ‘The Ottoman World’, in The New Cambridge Medieval History, Vol. 7, c. 1415–c. 1500, edited by C. Allmand (Cambridge: CUP, 1998), 812–30.
¶ A very useful, detailed survey of the fate of Byzantine populations after the Ottoman conquest is provided by Apostolos E. Vakalopoulos, Ιστορία του Νἐου Ελληνισμού, in six volumes; I have consulted the first two volumes of the second edition (Thessalonica: Antonios Stamoulis, 1976), while the question of 1453 as a pivotal event in the transition from the Middle Ages to the Early Modern period (in the Greek case) is explored in 1453: Η άλωση της Κωνσταντινούπολης και η μετάβαση από τους μεσαιωνικούς στους νεώτερους χρόνους, edited by T. Kiousopoulou (Herakleion: Crete University Press, 2005).
On Mehmed II see the classic monograph Franz Babinger, Mehmed the Conqueror and his time, edited by W. C. Hickman (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1978) and the more recent collection of essays Sultan Mehmet II. Eroberer Konstantinopels – Patron der Künste, edited by N. Asutay-Effenberger and Ulrich Rehm (Cologne: Böhlau, 2009).

(p. 192) ¶ Thierry Ganchou, ‘Le rachat des Notaras’, (as in chapter 8) discusses the fate of this prominent family

(p. 193) More specifically on developments in Constantinople/Istanbul see Halil Inalcick, ‘Istanbul’ in Encyclopedia of Islam, 2nd ed., Vol. 4 (Leiden and New York: Brill, 1971) 224–48 and now Çiğdem Kafescioğlu, Constantinopolis/Istanbul: Cultural Encounter, Imperial Vision, and the Construction of the Ottoman Capital (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2009). ¶ See also Halil Inalcik, The Ottoman Survey of Istanbul, 1455 (Istanbul: Ege Yayinlari, 2012) and his ‘Istanbul: an Islamic City,’ Journal of Islamic Studies 1 (1990) 1-23.

(p. 194) ¶ On tensions within the Ottoman elites after the conquest of Constantinople see Kafescioğlu, Constantinopolis/Istanbul (as above).

(p. 195) ¶ The question of the emerging Greek elites in the period and their role in the patriarchate of Constantinople is addressed by Jean Darrouzès, ‘Lettres de 1453,’  Revue des études byzantines  22 (1964) 72-127; Elisabeth Zachariadou, ‘Les notables laïques et le patriarcat œcuménique après la chute de constantinople,’ Turcica 30 (1998) 119-34; Halil İnalcık, ‘Greeks in Ottoman Economy and Finances, 1453-1500,’ in Essays in Ottoman History, edited by H. İnalcık ( İstanbul: Eren, 1998) 375-89 and Thierry Ganchou, ‘Le prôtogéros de Constantinople Laskaris. Kanabès (1454). À propos d’une institution ottomane méconnue,’ Revue des etudes byzantines 71 (2013) 209-58. On the role of Venice within the Otoman Empire see Eric R. Dursteler, Venetians in Constantinople. Nation, Identity, and Coexistence in the Early Modern Mediterranean (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2006).

(pp. 196-98) On the fate of the Church after the Ottoman conquest see Elizabeth Zachariadou, ‘The Great Church in captivity’, in The Cambridge History of Christianity, Vol. 5 (as above), 169–87. ¶ The most complete biography of the first patriarch of Constantinople after 1453 is by Marie-Hélène Blanchet, Georges-Gennadios Scholarios (vers 1400-vers 1472): un intellectuel orthodoxe face à la disparition de l’empire byzantin (Paris: Institut Français d’Etudes Byzantines, 2008); see also Vitalien Laurent, ‘Les premiers patriarches de Constantinople sous la domination turque (1454-1476). Succession et chronologie d’après un catalogue inédit,’ Revue des  byzantines 26 (1968) 229-63. The place of the Patriarchate of Constantinople in the Ottoman state is analyzed in Benjamin Braude, ‘Foundation Myths of the Millet System,’ in Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Empire: The Functioning of a Plural Society, ed. Benjamin Braude and Bernard Lewis (Teaneck: Holmes & Meier Publishers, 1982) 69-87.

(p. 197) ¶ On the belief that Judgement Day would come in 1492 see Antonio Rigo, ‘L’anno 7000, la fine del mondo e l’Impero cristiano. Nota su alcuni passi di Giuseppe Briennio, Simeone di Tessalonica e Gennadio Scolario,’ in La cattura della Fine. Variazioni dell’escatologia in reggime di cristianità, edited by G. Ruggieri (Genova: Marietti, 1992) 151-85.

(p. 199) ¶ On Mehmed II see the books by Babinger and the volume Mehmed II (as above); on more specific cultural issues see Julian Raby, ‘A Sultan of Paradox: Mehmed the Conqueror as a Patron of the Arts,’ Oxford Art Journal 5 (1982) 3-8 and his ‘Mehmed the Conqueror’s Greek Scriptorium,’ Dumbarton Oaks Papers 37 (1983) 15-34. On Greek texts in honour of the Ottoman sultan see Diether Roderich Reinsch, ‘Byzantinisches Herrscherlob für den türkischen Sultan. Ein bisher unbekanntes Gedicht des Georgios Amirutzes auf Mehmed den Eroberer,’ in Cupido legum, edited by L. Burgmann, et al. (Frankfurt/Main: Löwenklau-Gesellschaft e.V., 1985) 195-210 and his ‘Kritoboulos of Imbros – Learned Historian, Ottoman Raya and Byzantine Patriot,’  Zbornik Radova Vizantološkog Instituta 40 (2003) 297-311; Anna Akasoy, ‘Die Adaptation byzantinischen Wissens am Osmanenhof nach der Eroberung Konstantinopels,’ in  Wissen in der Krise, Institutionen des Wissens im gesellschaftlichen Wandel, edited by C. Kretschmann, et al. (Berlin : Akademie Verlag, 2004) 43–56 discusses the use of Greek in the early Ottoman state. On the portrait of Mehmed see Bellini and the East, edited by C. Campbell and A. Chong (London: National Gallery, 2005).

(p. 200) ¶ The lists of prominent Byzantines who escaped the fall of the city has been published by K. D. Mertzios, ‘Περί των εκ Κωνσταντινουπόλεως διαφυγόντων το 1453 Παλαιολόγων και αποβιβασθέντων εις Κρήτην’, in Actes du XIIe Congrès International d’Études Byzantines, 3 vols (Belgrade: Serbian Academy of Sciences, 1963-1964), vol 2, 171-76.

(p. 200-201) On Bessarion see Jonathan Harris, Greek Émigrés in the West, 1400–1520 (Camberley: Porphyrogenitus, 1995); John Monfasani, Byzantine Scholars in Renaissance Italy: Cardinal Bessarion and Other Emigres (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1995) and Wilson, From Byzantium to Italy (as in chapter 8) ¶ On pope Pius II and the plan for a Crusade at Mantua see Nancy Bisaha, ‘Pope Pius II and the Crusade,’ in Crusading in the Fifteenth Century: Message and Impact, edited by N. Housley (Houndmills: Palgrave, 2004) 39-52 as well as her book Creating East and West: Renaissance Humanists and the Ottoman Turks (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004). Pius’ letter to Mehmed II is edited and discussed in Epistola ad Mahomatem, edited and translated by A. R. Baca (New York: Peter Lang, 1990).

(p. 201) ¶ On the fate of the surviving members of the Palaiologoi see Donald M. Nicol, The Immortal Emperor. The life and Legend of Constantine Palaiologos, Last Emperor of the Romans (Cambridge: CUP, 1992) and Jonathan Harris, ‘A Worthless Prince? Andreas Palaeologus in Rome – 1462-1502,’ Orientalia Christiana Periodica 61 (1995) 537-54. The lives and careers of Byzantines in the West after 1453 are explored in James Hankins, ‘Renaissance crusaders: humanist crusade literature in the age of Mehmed II’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 49 (1995), 111–46. On the debate between Bessarion and George of Trebizond over Plato see John Monfasani, ‘A tale of two books: Bessarion’s In Calumniatorem Platonis and George of Trebizond’s Comparatio Philosophorum Platonis et Aristotelis,’ Renaissance Studies 22 (2007) 1-15. On the printing of Greek books see Martin Davies, Aldus Manutius: printer and publisher of renaissance Venice (Tempe: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 1999).

(p. 201-202) On Greeks in Venice see Chrysa Maltezou, Η Βενετία των Ελλήνων (Athens: Miletos, 2005). Maltezou was the long-time director of the Hellenic Institute of Byzantine and Post Byzantine Studies in Venice which has sponsored publications both on the presence of Venetians in Greece as well as the Greek community in Venice; see also Mathieu Grenet, ‘Naissance et affirmation d’une nation étrangère entre colonie et groupe de pression: le cas des Grecs à Venise entre le XVe et le XVIIe siècle,’ in Commerce, voyage et expérience religieuse, XVIe-XVIIIe siècles, edited by A. Burkardt (Rennes, Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2007) 419-38.; on the stradioti see M. E. Mallett and J. R. Hale, The Military Organization of a Renaissance State: Venice c. 1400 to 1617 (Cambridge: CUP, 1984).

(p. 202-203) On Venetian Crete see Maria Georgopoulou, Venice’s Mediterranean Colonies: architecture and urbanism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), and Byzantine Art and Renaissance Europe, edited by Angeliki Lymberopoulou and Rembrandt Duits (Farnham: Ashgate, 2013), which also includes chapters on the presence of Byzantine art in the West. This is also the topic of Anthony Cutler’s ‘From Loot to Scholarship: changing modes in the Italian response to Byzantine artifacts, ca. 1200–1750,’ Dumbarton Oaks Papers 49 (1995), 237–67. ¶ On Greek populations in Venetian-dominated parts of Greece (including Crete) see Βενετοκρατούμενη Ελλάδα. Προσεγγίζοντας την ιστορία της, edited by C. Maltezou, 2 vols (Athens and Venice: Hellenic Institute of Byzantine and Post Byzantine Studies, 2010).

(p. 203) ¶ On Humanists lobbying rulers for a Crusade against the Turks see Manousos Manousakas, ‘Εκκλήσεις των Ελλήνων λογίων προς τους ηγεμόνες της Ευρώπης για την απελευθέρωση της Ελλάδος,’ Praktika tes Akademias Athenon 59 (1984) 194-249 and Margaret Meserve, ‘News from Negroponte: Politics, Popular Opinion, and Information Exchange in the First Decade of the Italian Press,’ Renaissance Quarterly 59 (2006) 440-80, on the role of printing for disseminating news of Ottoman success.

Byzantine Studies and Byzantium in Art

 (p. 204-205) On the relations between Orthodoxy and Protestantism see Gunnar Herring, ‘Orthodoxie und Protestantismus,’ Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik 31 (1981) 823-74; on Hieronymus Wolf see Hans-Georg Beck, Der Vater der deutschen Byzantinistik. Das Leben des Hieronymus Wolf von ihm selbst erzählt (Munich: Institut für Byzantinistik und neugriechische Philologie der Universität München, 1984). A. A. Vasiliev, History of the Byzantine Empire, 324–1453, vol. I (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1952), 3–41 provides an overview of the emergence of Byzantine studies.

(p. 206) Edward Gibbon and Empire, edited by R. McKitterick and R. Quinault (Cambridge: CUP, 1996), 162–89 is dedicated to the important author who found Byzantium wanting.

(p. 207) ¶ On recent exhibitions devoted to Byzantium see the catalogues The Glory of Byzantium: art and culture of the Middle Byzantine era, A.D. 843–1261, edited by H. C. Evans, and W. D. Wixom (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1997); Byzantium: faith and power (1261–1557), edited by Helen C. Evans, Metropolitan Museum of Art (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2004) [both New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art]and Byzantium, 330-1453, edited by R. Cormack and M. Vasilaki (London: Royal Academy of Arts, 2008) [London, Royal Academy of Arts]. Other recent exhibitions on Byzantium include: De Byzance à Istanbul: un port pour deux continents, edited by E. Eldem (Paris: Éditions de la Reunion des musées nationaux, 2009) [Paris, Grand Palais]; Byzanz: Pracht und Alltag, edited by F. Daim and R. Fleck (Munich: Hirmer, 2010) [Bonn, Bundeskunsthalle]; Das goldene Byzanz und der Orient, edited by F. Daim (Schallaburg, 2012) [Schallaburg, Austria] and Heaven & Earth: Art of Byzantium from Greek Collections, edited by A. Drandaki, et al. (Athens: Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports and Benaki Museum, 2013)  [J. Paul Getty Museum and the National Gallery of Art, Washington, DC].
On Yeats and his Byzantium poems see Robert Nelson, ‘“Starlit Dome”: The Byzantine Poems of W. B. Yeats.’ in his Hagia Sofia 1850–1950: Holy Wisdom Modern Monument (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2004).

(p. 208) ¶ Byzantium in fiction: on Umberto Eco’s Baudolino see the review by AS Byatt; on Graves’ Count Belisarius see and on Christeva’s Murder in Byzantium see Helena Bodin, ‘Seeking Byzantium on the Borders of Narration, Identity, Space and Time in Julia Kristeva’s Novel Murder in Byzantium,’ Nordlit 24 (2009) 31-43. For a more general view of the current presence or absence of Byzantium see Anthony T. Aftonomos, The stream of time irresistible: Byzantine civilization in the modern popular imagination (Montreal: Concordia University, 2005). On Byzantine art and modernity see Clement Greenberg, ‘Byzantine Parallels’ (1958), in Art and Culture: Critical Essays (Boston: Beacon Press, 1961), 167–70.

(p. 208-209) ¶ The notion of an imagined community linking Byzantium and its orthodox neighbours was first put forward by Dimitri Obolensky in The Byzantine Commonwealth: Eastern Europe 500–1453 (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1971); the concept has been revisited by Jonathan Shepard, ‘Byzantium’s Overlapping Circles,’ in Proceedings of the 21st International Congress of Byzantine Studies, London 2006, edited by Elizabeth Jeffreys, vol. 1 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006), 15-56, while Averil Cameron, ‘The absence of Byzantium’, Nea Hestia, (2008), 4-59 discusses the role of the Byzantine Empire in current historiographical debates and Johann P. Arnason, ‘Approaching Byzantium: Identity, Predicament and Afterlife,’ Thesis Eleven 62 (2000) 39-69 challenges numerous historiographical stereotypes regarding Byzantine history, while Elizabeth Jeffreys, ‘We need to talk about Byzantium: or, Byzantium, its reception of the classical world as discussed in current scholarship, and should classicists pay attention?’ Classical Receptions Journal 6 (2014) 158-74, explores the Byzantine preservation of Classical texts as well as the reception of the Classical world by Byzantine authors.

(p. 209) On Faitakis see Stelios Faitakis, Katerina Gregos, Hell on Earth (Berlin: Die Gestalten Verlag, 2011).

(p. 210) Finally, for a thought-provoking essay on the place of Byzantium in a more general and global context, consult Averil Cameron, ‘Thinking with Byzantium,’ Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 21 (2011), 39–57.